Somalia’s Mohamed Farmaajo, whose term expired on February 8, continues to ignore the writings on the wall. And as things go, there may be a small window left to rescue both his career and the destiny of Somalia.
On Tuesday, the latest ominous sign came from a grouping of Hawiye clan members and professionals. Gathering in Mogadishu, they withdrew support for Farmaajo, expressing fury at his decisions to assent to the term extension motion of parliament.
A voice emerged from 400 delegates of Mogadishu’s most prominent clan with interests in politics and businesses which means they have sufficient influence in the capital. The participants include two ex-Presidents, a former PM, opposition and youth leaders as well as other special interest groups.
Well, some have argued perhaps correctly that the clan as a unit of politics in Somalia may be behind the perennial chaos.
But Somalia’s nascent democracy borrows from its culture and history, which means that every son and daughter the clans have brought up to serve their country considers their class as the basic politics. It is the way Somalis have organized themselves for centuries and it is why we cannot throw away the bathwater with the baby.
This is why the clan, no matter its shortcomings in other times, will remain influential in Somali politics and any leader who ignores it perishes politically. For the Hawiye specifically, their influence in Mogadishu means that any changes in the political stability of the country affect them directly and their influence in Mogadishu means that ay changes in the political stability of the country affect them directly and their displeasure simply means one bigger door has been slammed in Farmaajo’s face.
There have been other protestants more directly from Farmaajo’s rival in the presidential contest. This week the National Salvation Forum warned of political instability as the term extension goes on. And Presidents of Galmudung, Hirshabelle And South West have recently come under pressure from their own clans to clarify their positions. The donors and partners have all rejected the extensions and warned of a reevaluation of the relationship, including suspension of crucial programs in security and humanitarian sectors.
Yet even in the glare of these warnings, President Farmaajo has chosen to go on a charm offensive seeking the African Union’s hand to endorse his ill-thought and controversial term extension.
He did not read between the lines when after meeting President Felix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of Congo, he was told that Somalia must pursue its own consensus to avert a crisis. Mr. Tshisekedi the current chairman of the African Union agreed to support dialogue in Somalia an indication that the continental body is willing to step in.
But everybody knows Farmaajo’s game plan is to get an endorsement from the AU to sanitize his political dirt. Earning from his friends in Ethiopia, Farmaajo knows he can seek the involvement of the African Union because the body itself is flawed in operation: all leaders have hidden behind Article 4(g) of the AU Constitutive Act on “non-interference in internal matters” of members.
In short, he can reduce the continental body into spectators just as the neighbors did with the Tigray region.
This is not to say the AU is a useless organization. In fact, Somalia has a lot to thank the AU for having created the AU Mission in Somalia which has been guarding Farmaajo and his palace, the Villa Somalia.
We fear that Farmaajo has shown sufficient hypocrisy in the past. On one day he insists on sovereignty when critics pour in while on the other hand when he is facing local turmoil he rushes to the AU for help.
The flip-flopping is meant to waste time and the best thing Farmaajo can do is to resume talks which will be the surest way to ending this fiasco.
Political observers who had predicted that Uhuru Kenyatta would by now be a lame-duck president operating in the shadows of his ambitious deputy William Ruto may have been forced to reassess their prediction by the recent turn of events.
Never before in Kenya’s independence history has a vice-president wielded more power than Ruto did during Jubilee Party’s first term in office from 2013 to 2017.
With a constant presence by President Uhuru’s side during that period, Ruto had a free hand in running ministries and was deeply involved in drawing up government programs and even supervising some.
Political commentators, and some senior government officials, quietly referred to him as the power behind the throne, or even a co-president.
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga 1963-1966
Out of his 10 predecessors, no other vice-president, perhaps with the exception of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, had the moral authority to exercise the kind of unrestrained power as Ruto did.
Jaramogi’s moral authority emanated from the widely documented gesture of turning down the colonial government’s offer to become Kenya’s first prime minister in favor of Jomo Kenyatta, whom he felt was more deserving. Kenyatta was then in prison.
Ruto’s moral authority came from the fact that he had sacrificed his presidential ambition in 2013 in favor of Uhuru.
In doing so, Ruto and his United Republican Party (URP) went into an equal partnership with Uhuru’s The National Alliance (TNA) and defeated their main challenger Raila Odinga, who was vying under the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (Cord) banner.
The 2013 pre-election partnership agreement between URP and TNA gave Ruto control of half of the government posts, among them Cabinet secretaries, principal secretaries, ambassadors and state parastatals.
JOseph MUrumbi 1966-1967
And in the first term of the Jubilee administration, this is where Ruto’s powers lay. However, many people misjudged these powers to emanate from his office as deputy president.
The 2010 Constitution made cosmetic changes to the Office of the deputy president — changing the name from vice-president and making it difficult for the president to fire his deputy on a whim.
However, the deputy president’s constitutional powers remained marginal, meaning the authority that Ruto exercised in Jubilee’s first term was largely delegated to him by his boss.
The personal bond between the “dynamic duo”, as they were referred to by the media, had been strengthened by the criminal charges they were both facing at the International Criminal Court (ICC) arising from the 2007/2008 post-election violence.
But even during this time, a number of observers in Uhuru’s inner circle had quietly voiced misgivings about the DP appearing to overreach himself.
Daniel arap Moi. 1967-1978
One misgiving they pointed out early was the manner in which Ruto tended to hog the limelight during presidential functions, often speaking inordinately long while enumerating government projects and policies, and leaving his boss with little to say.
It is possible the President was not too pleased by his deputy’s conduct but decided to play along for purposes of political expediency, mainly his 2017 re-election.
On hindsight, a hint of Uhuru’s displeasure came from Jubilee Party vice-chairman David Murathe, who just before the August 7, 2017, General Election, told a local TV station that Uhuru would be more assertive in his second term.
“I am very sorry for people if Uhuru gets re-elected,” Murathe told KTN, “Because his agenda will be his legacy issues which will be anchored in law, order, discipline and the fight against corruption.”
Mwai KIbaki. 1978-1988
At the time, many thought the words were directed at opposition leaders, mainly Raila, who, just like in 2013, was Uhuru’s main challenger in the 2017 election.
Looking at it now, this statement perhaps signalled President Uhuru’s intention to take back the powers he had donated to his deputy in his first term.
The President’s first move was to name his a new Cabinet alone at State House after what appeared to have been a tussle with his deputy over names of new Cabinet Secretaries.
Ruto kept away from the function, unlike in 2013 when the newly-elected leaders, clad in matching white shirts and red ties, named the Cabinet at State House.
The President’s second move was the March 2018 Handshake with Raila, an event that is said to have caught the DP unawares and which has since bitterly divided the Jubilee Party.
The President then followed with a call that Jubilee leaders should cease premature political campaigns which had been stirred by the Handshake.
Josephat Karanja 1988-1989
His call was largely seen as aimed at the DP whom Uhuru derided for “tanga tanga” (wandering aimlessly) all over the country.
Either by design or default, this statement seemed to have provided the cue to Cabinet Secretaries, Principal Secretaries and heads of parastatals to give a wide berth to the DP’s countrywide tours in the name of launching government projects.
When this line was cut off, Ruto converted his “development tours” to church fundraisers which allowed him to travel around the country and sell his agenda, without seeking the blessings of his boss.
At the same time, his lieutenants in Parliament upped their raw criticism of the President and the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) which Uhuru launched with Raila as a follow up to the Handshake.
George Saitoti. 1989-2002
At the same time, the DP and his foot soldiers in Parliament openly ciriticised what they termed as President Uhuru’s partisan war on corruption which they claimed was targeting Ruto and his allies.
Consequently, it forced the DP and his lieutenants take positions on the war on graft that were sometimes not only at variance with Uhuru’s stand, but also public opinion.
The DP even took it upon himself to criticize public institutions involved in the fight against the vice, thus raising questions about his allegiance.
Musalia Mudavadi 2002- 2002
He memorably differed with the Director of Criminal Investigations George Kinoti, over the amount of money lost in the Arror and Kimwarer dam scandals, arguing that the DCI was being used to settle political scores.
In the impeachment of Kiambu Governor Ferdinand Waititu and the prosecution of Nairobi Governor Mike Sonko, the DP’s lieutenants rushed to their defence and even appeared for them in court.
Many saw this as a bold attempt by the DP and his allies to undermine the President on the war on corruption, a fact that some of the DP’s allies loudly proclaimed in public forums.
With an eye on the 2022 presidential race, in 2016, Ruto engineered the merger of URP, TNA and other smaller parties to the Jubilee Party, despite disquiet from his Kalenjin political base.
Kijana Wamalwa. 2003- 2003
The thinking at the time was that it would be easier to sell Ruto’s presidential candidature in Mt Kenya through a single unified party rather than through Jubilee’s former affiliates.
But given the happenings in the Jubilee Party, this is a decision that the DP must be regretting. The TNA-URP merger effectively ended the 2013 pre-election pact between Uhuru and Ruto which had given the latter half of the government where he drew his real power over the first five years. With the merger, the DP had surrendered the strongest leverage he had over the President.
President Kenyatta, who is also the Jubilee Party leader, has deployed key his lieutenants within the party to carry out the recent coup against the DP’s allies in the Senate.
Moody Awori. 2003-2008
Under the President’s instructions, Jubilee replaced Elgeyo Marakwet Senator Kipchumba Murkomen as Majority Leader and his Nakuru counterpart Susan Kihika as Chief Whip. Both are staunch DP supporters.
A close reading of history reveals an interesting fact that the only thing Kenya’s 11th and first vice-presidents share: the manner in which they were cut down to size by the very men they helped to rise to power.
In the three years that Jaramogi served as Mzee Kenyatta’s principal assistant, their friendship had deteriorated so much over differences touching on a myriad of issues.
Kalonzo Musyoka. 2008-2013
Kenyatta responded by whittling down Jaramogi’s influence in government, the culmination of which was demoting him to vice president without portfolio, after stripping him of his Home Affairs docket which he handed over to Daniel arap Moi.
Basically, Jaramogi had a big office without any powers.
Worse was to come when Kenyatta, through Jaramogi’s main competitor in Cabinet and rival in Luo Nyanza politics, Tom Mboya, executed a coup within the ruling Kanu party which saw Jaramogi and his lieutenants purged out of influential positions in Kanu.
Unable to take the humiliation any more, on April 4, 1966, Jaramogi took the high road and wrote this letter to his former ally-turned-foe:
Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, alias Farmajo, has extended his stay in office for a further two years. His term ended on February 8, after four years, and elections for a new president were supposed to have been held.
Farmajo used the deadlock over the mode of voting between the federal government and the federal states as the excuse to extend his term. His government and the governments of several of the federal
states are unable to agree whether to continue with the delegate system used previously, or introduce universal suffrage of one-person one-vote.
Farmaajo has dug himself into a cul-de-sac, and there will be consequences. To begin with, the two-year period will not resolve the problem. The relations between the federal and state governments will
only deteriorate further because of this impasse. There are five states, Jubbaland, Puntland, South-West, Galmudug, and Hir-Shabelle some of whom have rejected universal suffrage.
Those that want the delegates system even want it reformed to be more democratic and transparent, something the Farmajo government has rejected. The federal government has zero capacity to force the
states rejecting universal suffrage to participate in an election they don’t want. Farmajo is facing an even more daunting challenge. His key international backers, principally the US and Britain, have rejected the extension of his term.
Unfortunately, despite mumblings by some Somalis this is interference in the country’s internal affairs, a government that fully relies on the goodwill of the international community for its very existence, needs to be more humble. Without these backers, the federal government would be overrun by Al Shabaab within days.
The way out for Farmaajo is talks, but he will have to recuse himself from running for another term to give comfort to those who think he is trying to put in place a system that favours his re-election prospects. He should have put in place a care taker government of national unity to reach a consensus, and organise polls during this extension period.
Worse for the Somali federal government, increasing challenges are compounding its problems. A resurgent Al Shabaab has intensified its bombing campaign in the capital Mogadishu in recent months, obviously taking advantage of an increasingly distracted government, and rising political tensions in the country. Somalia is in the midst of a second wave of the Covid, which has proved more deadly than the first wave.
Infections and deaths have shot up, at a time when the poorly equipped and poorly resourced healthcare system is pushed to the limit. The chickens of Kenya finally putting its foot down over the closure of the Daadab refugee camps, are coming home to roost. Kenya has demanded that the international community put together a time bound plan to repatriate home all the 200,000 Somali refugees, and has given deadlines. Settling the refugees in Somalia will stretch the resources and logistics of the Somali government to the limit.
And right now, its key priority is survival. The African Union has been very quiet over these developments. Normally quick off the mark to condemn military power grabs, it has refused to object as government after government has violated its country’s constitution for political purposes.
Unfortunately, Kenya cannot escape fallout from the ensuing Somali crisis. Kenya has been the focus of Farmaajo’s attempts at deflecting attention from his internal problems through hysterical pronouncements that Kenya is interfering with its internal affairs. Despite Kenya denying any such
interference, the fact is that Kenya cannot sit back and let Somalia mess itself up, as it is always the country that bears the brunt of the resultant chaos.
Farmajo’s power grab by tampering with constitutional term limits needs to be seen against the broader
context of the continent where presidents are now routinely over throwing constitutional term limits
to allow them to run, and win, third terms.
This has drastically rolled back the democratic gains Africa made in the early years of this century, and it has been directly responsible for most of the violence and political tension that is now engulfing the continent.
If Fredrick Ngatia were to be nominated by the Judicial Service Commission for appointment as Kenya’s Chief Justice, he would have made a rare leap that is from the Bar straight to the head of the Judiciary.
Only Maluki Kitili Mwendwa, Bernard Chunga and Willy Mutunga have become CJ without having held any judicial office before.
However, this is not a bet he cannot pull off that feat. Mr Ngatia is the senior-most of the 10 CJ candidates.
For a profession obsessed with, if not slavish about seniority, Mr Ngatia’s four decades as an advocate will count on account of longevity and the title conferred to him as Senior Counsel last year.
The apogee of his law practice is the pro bono case former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga handed him when he requested Ngatia to represent death row suspects. His success in the Francis Kariokoo Muruatetu case at the Supreme Court, where it was declared unconstitutional to impose a mandatory death sentence on convicts, is what he considers his finest piece of work. Some 5,000 prisoners have since gone back to the High Court for resentencing.
Beyond his 40 years’ experience in the practice of law, Ngatia will be brandishing his freshly minted masters in applied philosophy to prove that a CJ needs a multidisciplinary approach. He researched euthanasia, which is prohibited in Kenya, and his research found that where it is administered, the moral questions it raises demonstrate that apex courts deal with questions of bioethics, theology, the transcendental nature of man.
Last year, Ngatia joined the hallowed ranks of Senior Counsel, and he will be battling the optics of ethnic balancing in joining a Supreme Court where another member of his Kikuyu community is also a long-serving member.
The holder of Bachelors and Masters of Laws degrees from the University of Nairobi and the London School of Economics respectively, Mr Ngatia seeks a return to public service, having started his practice as State counsel in the office of the Attorney-General.
Mr Ngatia then ventured into private practice where he has ploughed his trade in a firm that carries his name as principal.
Though this company may be deemed small, if not solo practice, its clientele would speak to a heavy hitting litigation practice. Chambers & Partners, an international firm that classifies lawyers, recognized Mr Ngatia as one of Kenya’s best litigators in 2019.
Ngatia’s long client list includes Kamlesh Pattni when he faced a murder charge, Justice Philip Tunoi when he faced a tribunal investigating his misconduct, Judges Philomena Mwilu, Mohammed Ibrahim and Abida Ali-Aroni at the Judges and Magistrates Vetting Board, and the late Vice President George Saitoti when he challenged his prosecution over the KSh158 billion Goldenberg scandal. Ngatia also filed a complaint against Judge Joseph Mutava at the tribunal investigating him, calling him a serial liar.
The judge was removed from office. Ngatia shot to fame with his representation of Uhuru Kenyatta in the 2017 presidential election petitions. As soon as the 1 September 2017 nullification decision came in, Ngatia began preparing for the next petition – which followed in November after the fresh election. He has managed a frenetic 14-day petition, and believes the same leadership principles would enable him to lead the institution. Yet, Ngatia does not consider the presidential petitions as his greatest achievement.
If an advocate can be defined by the work he does and his clients, then there is a lot to be said of Mr. Ngatia as a legal practitioner.
Even that would be a partial and incomplete description of the breadth of Mr Ngatia’s practice. Known mostly as one of the legal counsel to President Uhuru Kenyatta in the contentious petitions challenging the 2013 and 2017 elections, Mr. Ngatia is thought to be a system’s advocate, if such a job exists.
The choice of Mr. Ngatia as counsel for the high and mighty preceded the election cases.
In 2006, Prof George Saitoti, while a minister, sought Mr Ngatia’s representation in a case challenging the findings made by the Judicial Commission on the Goldenberg Affair as to the minister’s involvement in the scandal.
The court not only quashed the findings and recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry for prosecution of Mr. Ngatia’s client but also thanked him and his co-counsel for the quality of their research and advocacy in the proceedings. Prof Saitoti has since died.
Even members of the Judiciary have found themselves in need of his counsel. Justice Philip Tunoi of the Supreme Court sought Mr Ngatia’s representation when the judge faced a tribunal inquiring into whether he needed to be dismissed for gross misconduct.
While his practice is more on the corporate and commercial litigation, Mr Ngatia made a mark in the criminal bar in a case that will have a long lasting effect on the justice system in Kenya.
Mandatory death sentences
His representation of Mr Francis Muruatetu in the Supreme Court in 2017 changed the law in a refreshing way that points to his legal mind to give the Constitution its full tenor and effect in the lives of ordinary citizens.
Mr Ngatia’s client had challenged the Penal Code’s prescription of a mandatory death sentences for a person convicted of murder. On the strength of the advocacy, the Supreme Court agreed with Mr Ngatia that mandatory capital punishment was unconstitutional.
The court said a mandatory sentence is an unreasonable restraint on a judicial officer because it deprives the judges of the discretion to consider mitigating factors in sentencing and makes the process of mitigation an unnecessary gesture during trial.
With this decision, many convicts on death row got a reprieve by challenging the courts to reconsider their sentences. An indirect public benefit was served by Mr Ngatia’s advocacy in this case.
The truth, though, is that some may be anxious about the possibility of Mr Ngatia as Chief Justice for the reason that his clientele indicates an advocate for the high and mighty with little time for the ordinary litigant.
The Muruatetu case may be an answer to them as to how he perceives the constitutional liberties and rights of the common citizen. Additionally, it ears mentioning that an advocate by his professional obligation takes whichever client he finds himself with.
Advocacy does not necessarily infer alliance with or affinity to the client’s position.
As an advocate, Mr Ngatia is a formidable litigator described by many as polite and soft-spoken without being a pushover. It would be a mission of high guesswork to try and define the kind of judge, leave alone the kind of CJ, any person would make on appointment.
In a presumed Justice Fred Ngatia, that would be even harder for three reasons. One is that he has never been a judge. This would only be for those who believe and act on the divisive binary of the Judiciary having insiders and outsiders.
Secondly, it is never possible to define for a candidate what taking a judicial posting would mean for his or her personal jurisprudence.
Thirdly, and more importantly, the obsession with personal jurisprudence sometimes is but a harbinger by which a candidate for judicial office is defined by an ideological lens, which he may not even have given thought to.
It is never a given that a judge will decide cases in a guaranteed way , even to the administration responsible for his appointment. Those unwilling to believe this may take cue from Dwight Eisenhower who after naming Earl Warren as Chief Justice said the appointment was the worst decision of his presidency.
Warren, a Republican on his appointment, led the Supreme Court into a set of civil rights decisions, which transformed the United States in a way that did not please the president and his Republican party.
If Mr Ngatia were to be appointed Chief Justice, we can only guess the level of transformation he would make. No one knows for sure. The same would apply largely for all the other candidates to the office of CJ.
However, there is no denying that Mr Ngatia has the tools for the job in terms of qualifications.
A warm cozy, room, with a hot cup of coffee or tea. Socks on and a stack of pillows near the work area. It may be done on the bed, the seat, the living room whichever place that evokes comfort, for comfort is key. Any sight of blood or sweat is despicable and unimaginable to them. For they don’t like to tire and move about. They don’t like to move about and the thought of just being around people is an irritant to their body especially their years. These are the individuals who claim they are revolutionists
Back in the day until now a revolution was considered a sacrificial undertaking where humanity came out in voice and in deed to defend their cause, to fight for what they know is best, they made placards, spoke and urged and convinced people to join them in the streets and support their causes. Great revolutionists were ready to sacrifice their lives, were ready to fight and indeed fought, were ready to be arrested even if it meant going it alone. From the likes of Che Guevera a major figure in the Cuba Revolution, to Martin Luther King who fought against racism in America revolutions were not a zone of comfort but moments of sacrifice, retaliation and retribution.
It demanded some sense of collegiality as they deemed unity in their work critical till they attain their cause and this was often reflected in the masses gathered and the progressive attainment of their goals. Even at our current moment in time we have seen the Arab Spring that has entangled countries of the Middle East and Northern Africa which has seen war and suffering as they spoke out and demanded change.
What would have happened if they sat back on their dear beds with phones and laptops to start tweeting and commenting on anything and everything they see go through social media. Pretty much nothing. This is the situation of people in Kenya who claim they are revolutionists in the comfort of their bedsitters, in the comfort of their warm and cozy homes who spend the better part of their day and night looking for quotable quotes and tweetable tweets. The revolutionists who cannot even raise their voice on anything. They label themselves as fighters through cartoon characters of past revolutionists on their profile pictures but cannot even stand the raging sun outside, cannot gather masses and most of all, find it down right ridiculous to carry placards, screaming and shouting to capture the attention of those they want. The farthest they can do is air their views and noise through paragraphs on social media sites away from the heat, the noise and especially away from the face of the police.
Their revolution is an open fallacy to gain clout and popularity and start making money online through following because at the end of the day they are only engaging in a selfish undertaking. There is no revolution here but a money making venture, no more no less.
“Given the opportunity to be President, I would not allow my Deputy President to be humiliated the way I have been humiliated” ~ Dr. William Samoei Ruto.
Many KENYANS may have missed an important show as they were busy analyzing KCPE results. Allow us to REVISIT the interview.
On citizen Tv, a very shocking interview took place. The deputy PRESIDENT William Ruto was lamenting. His lamentations were candid.
He clearly lamented on his disappointment on how his boss UHURU KENYATTA has worked with him/handled him. He said UHURU had humiliated him.
“Given the opportunity to be President, I would not allow my Deputy President to be humiliated the way I have been humiliated” ~
We thought that DP knows that politicians in Kenya practice political polygamy. So, for him to start sulking so late in the day that there are other partners in his marriage with Uhuru is hypocritical. His entire career has been about cross-breeding from Kanu to ODM, to URP to Jubilee, etc. So what’s pinching his big toe now?
The DP acted victim during the interview, blaming everyone and everything for his problems with his boss. He forgot his words of “In 6 months’ time the Stadium in Wote will be complete, in another 6 months’ time Kamariny Stadium will be complete!”
He said and I quote..
“I asked the president to produce information showing what I had done in private and in public to disrespect him or to elevated myself beyond what my duties are and the president was very candid with me, he told me there is no such information. The director of intelligence was there and he also did not produce any information on the same,” he added.
Bwana Ruto Do you need the DCI to remind you that In 2013, a court found you guilty of grabbing 100 acres piece of land belonging to one Adrian Muteshi. You were ordered to return the land and also pay Muteshi ksh5m for trespassing on his land? Is this not info to show wrongdoing on your part?
Dp Ruto then went ahead and blamed the drunkenness of Jubilee leaders for failed promises. He said and I quote…
“I have tried all I could to see if we could work all this out in Jubilee…Unfortunately, those who call the shots are hardly sober. They appear on national TV drunk…That is the level of impunity”
The question that begs is, DP, If your character & integrity is unquestionable, you are an angel, but the rest in your Jubilee company are drunkards, why don’t you RESIGN from the system? Bible says bad company ruins good morals. Quit that bad company called Jubilee! History will judge you harshly if you tag along that bandwagon of drunkards.
To crown his interview, Ruto boasted.
“If Raila Odinga will not be my opponent then who will be?”.
The problem with Ruto is pride and overconfidence. The way he looks down on other leaders makes me sick. He forgets what Papa Atwoli told us. Uhuru is too young to retire.
DP is simply saying, that Uhuru, Musalia Mudavadi, Kalonzo, Weta, and Gideon Moi are nothing. To him, the only person that can compete with him is Raila.
He probably sponsored the interview to show Kenyans he is the victim while Kenyans already know his past. And come 2022 he will be judged by his past. He killed 1000s of Kikuyus in Rift Valley for power and the powerful Mt Kenya region has judged him already and found him lacking.